Niaz Murtaza

political economist who writes in Dawn

Compiled from 1 recorded interview. Every statement below is drawn from the passage cited beside it.

Niaz Murtaza is a political economist whose analyses appear regularly in Dawn newspaper. He holds a PhD from UC Berkeley.

Career

Murtaza has commented on Pakistani political discourse. He has said that Twitter has been blocked and that social media faces a crackdown, but that there is still enough space to write in Dawn. [1]

Views on political stability and the old order

Murtaza says there is currently a cycle with two ends and that it keeps fluctuating between them. He says political stability comes from political legitimacy. In his account, powerful forces have for 75 years tried to build political stability on illegitimacy. He says what is happening now is much worse than what happened in 2018. [1]

He says the old order is crumbling and a new order has not yet emerged. He says PPP and PML-N ran a patronage model of keeping everyone satisfied without reform, and that this model has broken down. In his view the old distribution model continues without serious reform. He also says ideological politics, as a goal, is far too weak. [1]

Views on the army

Murtaza says that since 1958 the army has ruled either directly or through hybrid governments built on parties whose founders it brought into politics. He says Imran Khan was not part of a military government, though linkages existed. He also says crackdowns have fallen on any genuine leadership since 1958. [1]

He names the army as the custodian of piety and patriotism in Pakistan. He describes mil-bus as a patronage system that employs thousands of people and, in turn, their contractors. He says the army has been affected most, with the flow of arms and military aid reduced. [1]

Views on parties, voters and elections

He says middle-class parties began to emerge in the 1980s, and that MQM was the first, based only in Karachi. He says none of the current parties has mass-based politics. He says voters elected candidates who had no name and no brand faces. According to Murtaza, Pakistanis proved that they are now willing participants who want something better. [1]

He cites urbanisation, middle class growth and social media among the factors he had named. He says extremely high inflation was an additional factor in the election. He adds that the public is smart enough to reject those who do not deliver. [1]

He says religion plays a large part in PTI's politics, and that Imran Khan uses it. He describes the TLP as sectarian and Imran Khan's Islam as fairly vague, so that it appeals to different sects. He says the TLP has considerable support in Punjab. He also notes that Jamaat-e-Islami has never produced a prime minister. [1]

He says PTI is not the only one, and that on every front someone has stood up. He says that even if Imran Khan were eliminated, the grievances would remain. He expects Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and PTM to gain more ground if PTI is removed. He predicts political fragmentation, with some people moving toward the TLP and some back toward the MQM. [1]

Views on regional movements and grievances

Murtaza says a ban was placed on PTM and that BYC might be next. He says PTM and BYC emerged directly from the masses. He describes Balochistan and ex-FATA as far-flung and completely marginalised. [1]

He says the wadera (feudal) vote is strong in South Punjab and Upper Sindh. He says mobilisation is much harder in Sindh and South Punjab because feudal patronage is strong there. [1]

He says social grievances come first, then mobilisation, and then a leader emerges. In his view the urban middle class has more resources and connectivity, so it is easier to mobilise than rural voters. He warns that if non-violent channels close, grievances could move to extremist or violent forms. [1]

Views on the economy and foreign relations

Murtaza says the global economic situation has been poor over the past ten years, starting with the problem of 2008. He lists money, arms, intelligence support, technology and above all veto protection as things that came from America. He says a model has broken down, mainly because the decades-long relationship with America has ended. [1]

He says Pakistan is not a destination for major Chinese foreign investment. According to him, China asks what it will gain before giving money. He describes being seen as a problem child that nobody is putting money into. [1]

He says a neoliberal model delivered some stability and growth in Bangladesh and India but failed on equity and sustainability. He says Pakistan needs groups that understand the global economy and can identify niches for it. He says the East Asian model shows the state can actively build globally competitive economic players. [1]

Views on governance models and comparisons

Murtaza cites 40 to 50 years of economic, social and political stagnation. He says democracy in a country of 250 million faces so much fragmentation that decisions stall. He refers to a "Congress model" that he has written about in his articles. He says the country desperately needs merit-based governance, or it could collapse. [1]

He says one-party, hybrid or technocratic models cannot work. He thinks a technocratic government would be a last resort, forced upon the country in an emergency-type situation. [1]

He says China in 1978, Russia in 1989, Indonesia in 1997 and India in 1991 did not face conditions as bad as the multiple problems of every sort that he describes. He says Indonesia is the country that comes closest to Pakistan, and that Indonesia's democratic system brought it to a satisfactory level. He also names Indonesia and India as the two countries most similar to Pakistan. [1]

Timeline

1958
Year from which, in Murtaza's account, the army has ruled either directly or through hybrid governments.[1]

Appearances

DateTitleWhere
2024-10-11 Why the army finally lost Pakistan's middle class Thought Behind Things

Frequently asked questions

Who is Niaz Murtaza?

Niaz Murtaza is a political economist whose analyses appear regularly in Dawn newspaper. He holds a PhD from UC Berkeley.[1]

What does Niaz Murtaza do?

Niaz Murtaza is described as a political economist. His analyses appear regularly in Dawn newspaper, and he comments on Pakistani political discourse.[1]

Where did Niaz Murtaza study?

Niaz Murtaza holds a PhD from UC Berkeley.[1]

Where does Niaz Murtaza publish his writing?

Niaz Murtaza's analyses appear regularly in Dawn newspaper. He has said that Twitter has been blocked and social media faces a crackdown, but that there is still enough space to write in Dawn.[1]

What does Niaz Murtaza say about the army in Pakistan?

Niaz Murtaza says that since 1958 the army has ruled either directly or through hybrid governments built on parties whose founders it brought into politics. He also says Imran Khan was not part of a military government, though linkages existed. He says the army has been affected most by reduced arms flow and military aid.[1]

What does Niaz Murtaza say about Pakistan's relationship with the United States?

Niaz Murtaza lists money, arms, intelligence support, technology and above all veto protection as things that came from America. He says a model has broken down, mainly because the decades-long relationship with America has ended.[1]

What does Niaz Murtaza think of technocratic governments in Pakistan?

Niaz Murtaza says one-party, hybrid or technocratic models cannot work. He thinks a technocratic government would be a last resort, forced upon the country in an emergency-type situation.[1]

References

  1. Why the army finally lost Pakistan's middle class . Thought Behind Things , 2024-10-11.
Show the source passages (65 statements)
  1. Dr. Niaz Murtaza comments on Pakistani political discourse. Joining us today is Dr. Niaz Murtaza, a leading voice in Pakistani political discourse
  2. Niaz Murtaza is described as a political economist. Meet Dr. Niaz Murtaza - Political Economist & Agent of Change
  3. His analyses appear regularly in Dawn newspaper. You can find his thought-provoking analyses regularly in the pages of Dawn newspaper
  4. Niaz Murtaza holds a PhD from UC Berkeley. With a PhD from UC Berkeley and a commitment to secular, progressive values
  5. He says we are currently in a cycle with two ends and keep fluctuating between them. is waqt hum ek cycle mein hain jiski do ends hain aur un do ends ke beech mein hum fluctuate karte rehte hain
  6. He says political stability comes from political legitimacy. political stability jo hai woh aati hai political legitimacy se
  7. He says powerful forces have for 75 years tried to build political stability on illegitimacy. 75 saal se jo hai jo taqatwar forces hain unki yahi koshish rahi hai ke in legitimacy ki buniyad pe political stability layi jaye
  8. He says the global economic situation has been poor over the past ten years, starting with the problem of 2008. pichle 10 saal mein global economic situation bhi kharab rahi hai, pehle 2008 ka tha masla
  9. He lists money, arms, intelligence support, technology and above all veto protection as things that came from America. Paise chahiye, America, arms chahiye, America, intelligence support chahiye, America, technology, veto protection sabse badi baat
  10. He says a model has broken down, mainly because the decades-long relationship with America has ended. woh model jo hai woh breakdown kar gaya hai aur uski sabse badi wajah hai ke jo hamari dihaiyon pe base America se relationship thi woh khatam ho gayi hai
  11. He says PPP and PML-N ran a patronage model of keeping everyone satisfied without reform, and that model has broken down. PPP aur PML-N, jo unka ek model tha patronage politics ka, sabko khush rakho, koi reform mat karo, woh model jo hai woh breakdown ho gaya hai
  12. He says ideological politics, as a goal, is far too weak. Jo kuch behtar yani ideological politics ek goal hai na, woh had se zyada kamzor hai
  13. He says the old order is crumbling and a new order has not yet emerged. the old order is crumbling and a new order is still not emerging
  14. He says that since 1958 the army has ruled either directly or through hybrid governments built on parties whose founders it brought into politics. agar aap 1958 se hamari politics dekhein, toh yeh soorat-e-haal hai ke ya toh army ne overtly rule kiya hai ya phir ek hybrid system mein un parties ke through rule kiya hai jinko ke founders ko woh khud siyasat mein lekar aaye thay
  15. He says Imran Khan was not part of a military government, though linkages existed. magar yeh ke Imran Khan kisi military government ka hissa toh nahi tha, magar yeh ke linkages toh thay
  16. He names the army as the custodian of piety and patriotism in Pakistan. Who is the custodian of piety and patriotism in Pakistan? The army.
  17. He describes mil-bus as a patronage system that employs thousands of people and, in turn, their contractors. Phir ek aur inki hai mil-bus, jispe Ayesha Siddiqa ne bahut kuch likha hai, usmein hazaron log jo hai woh employ hote hain, phir unke contractors, toh woh ek pura patronage system hai
  18. He says the army has been affected most, with the flow of arms and military aid reduced. uska sabse zyada asar toh zahir hai army pe pada hai, yani arms ka flow kam ho gaya, military aid kam ho gayi
  19. He says middle-class parties began to emerge in the 1980s, and that MQM was the first, based only in Karachi. Phir 80s se yeh shuru hua ke middle class parties jo hain woh emerge hona shuru ho gayi, uska pehla model tha MQM, woh sirf Karachi based thi
  20. He says none of the current parties has mass-based politics. Toh mass based jo hain na inmein se kisi ki politics nahi hai
  21. He says voters elected candidates who had no name and no brand faces. unhone no name, no brand faces ko samne lekar aaye aur unhone unko elect karwaya
  22. He says Pakistanis proved that they are now willing participants who want something better. Pakistani qaum ne yeh toh prove kar diya ke yaar they are now willing participants to want something better
  23. He says the public is smart enough to reject those who do not deliver. aap deliver nahi karenge, qaum is smart enough to reject you
  24. He cites urbanisation, middle class growth and social media among the factors he had named. wohi jo chaar paanch cheezein maine kahi thi urbanization, middle class growth, phir social media
  25. He says extremely high inflation was an additional factor in the election. Magar ek additional factor jo is election mein tha woh yeh tha ke extremely high inflation
  26. He says the old distribution model continues without serious reform. betahasha wohi purana model jo ek woh hota hai na distribution model, yeh distribute kar do, laptop distribute kar do, yeh de do, woh de do, without bringing in any serious reform
  27. He says PTI is not the only one, and that on every front someone has stood up. PTI is not the only one. Actually har mahaz ke upar koi na koi khada hua hai
  28. He says a ban was placed on PTM and that BYC might be next. PTM pe aapne ban laga diya. Ab BYC might be next.
  29. He says Balochistan and ex-FATA are far-flung and completely marginalised. Balochistan aur Ex-FATA, yeh toh bilkul hi you know far flung, completely marginalized
  30. He says PTM and BYC emerged directly from the masses. Yeh log toh PTM aur BYC bilkul masses mein se emerge kar rahe hain na
  31. He says the wadera (feudal) vote is strong in South Punjab and Upper Sindh. Ab South Punjab is also fairly marginalized aur usko aap Upper Sindh se woh ek continuum hi hai. Magar in saare ilaqon mein na yeh wadere ka vote bahut zyada strong hai
  32. He says mobilisation is much harder in Sindh and South Punjab because feudal patronage is strong there. Toh is wajah se jo hai na Sindh mein aur South Punjab mein jo hai na is qisam ki mobilization is much more difficult kyunke wahan pe waderon ka bahut hold hai
  33. He says social grievances come first, then mobilisation, and then a leader emerges. pehle ek jo hai uh social group hai, uski grievances badhti hain, woh apne aap ko mobilize karte hain aur phir usmein se ek leader ubhar ke aata hai
  34. He says that even if Imran Khan were eliminated, the grievances would remain. Agar Imran Khan ko aap bilkul hi eliminate bhi kar dete hain toh yeh ek jo grievances wagera jo hain woh toh phir bhi rahengi
  35. He says the urban middle class has more resources and connectivity, so it is easier to mobilise than rural voters. middle class jo hai it's all concentrated in the urban areas, unki resources zyada hain, global connectivity zyada hai, internet, social media toh unko mobilize karna rural population se toh bahut zyada asaan hai
  36. He warns that if non-violent channels close, grievances could move to extremist or violent forms. is grievance ne kahin na kahin jaake park hona hai. Phir woh koi extremist ya ek violent us pe jayegi
  37. He says religion plays a large part in PTI's politics, and that Imran Khan uses it. religion also plays a fairly big part in PTI politics, Imran Khan usko use karta hai
  38. He describes the TLP as sectarian and Imran Khan's Islam as fairly vague, so it appeals to different sects. TLP is you know sectarian, jo Imran Khan ka brand hai Islam, it's you know fairly vague jo ke mukhtalif sects ko appeal kar sakta hai
  39. He says the TLP has considerable support in Punjab. TLP taiyaar baithi hai, unki bhi kaafi support hai Punjab mein
  40. He says Jamaat-e-Islami has never produced a prime minister. aapne kabhi yeh nahi dekha ke yaar Jamaat-e-Islami ka Prime Minister ban gaya
  41. He expects Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and PTM to gain more ground if PTI is removed. PTI ko agar aap minus karte hain toh then potentially KP, PTM zyada uthati nazar aati hai aapko
  42. He predicts political fragmentation. toh mera khayal hai political fragmentation ho jayegi
  43. He expects some people to move toward the TLP and some back toward the MQM. kuch TLP ki taraf chal jayenge, uh kuch ho sakta hai PTN ki taraf chale jayein, kuch MQM ke taraf wapas chale jayenge
  44. He says crackdowns have fallen on any genuine leadership since 1958. Woh us uska link usi se hai ke ji 1958 se jo hai crack down ho raha hai, jo bhi genuine leadership hoti hai
  45. He says heavy defence spending squeezes out private entrepreneurs. itna aapka expense jo hai woh defense pe jata hai, mill biz jo hai woh squeeze out kar deta hai jo aapke private entrepreneurs hain
  46. He says Pakistan is not a destination for major Chinese foreign investment. but Pakistan is not a destination for major foreign investment by China
  47. He says China asks what it will gain before giving money. Woh aap se pehle puchta hai ek ek paisa dene ke, aapne karna kya hai, what will be the result, humein kya milega
  48. He says we are seen as a problem child that nobody is putting money into. We are seen as you know a problem child jisme koi paisa phenkne ke liye nahi de raha
  49. He calls it a disappointment that new ideas are not emerging from Pakistan's middle class. being the biggest disappointment ke hamari jo middle class hai, usmein se bhi naye ideas jo hain woh nahi emerge ho rahe
  50. He says a neoliberal model delivered some stability and growth in Bangladesh and India but failed on equity and sustainability. ek neo-liberal jo model kuch had tak kamyab raha hai Bangladesh mein, India mein, as I said only in terms of you know economic stability and growth to a certain extent, it's failed on equity and it's failed on sustainability
  51. He says Pakistan needs groups that understand the global economy and can identify niches for it. Koi aise groups hon jo puri global economy ko samajhte hon aur usmein woh niches identify karein Pakistan ke liye
  52. He says the old order's businesses drive much of the state's corruption. agar corruption hai state mein, toh corruption deta kaun hai? Wohi old order businesses
  53. He says the East Asian model shows the state can actively build globally competitive economic players. East Asian model dekhein, the state played a very active role in bringing up new economic players who could compete at the global level
  54. He cites 40 to 50 years of economic, social and political stagnation. 40-50 years of economic stagnation, social stagnation, political stagnation
  55. He says democracy in a country of 250 million faces so much fragmentation that decisions stall. in the in the current form of democracy in a country of 250 million people, there is always so much fragmentation ke you are always stuck in a stand still
  56. He refers to a "Congress model" that he has written about in his articles. ho sakta hai aapne mere articles mein dekha bhi ho, Congress model
  57. He says the country desperately needs merit-based governance, or it could collapse. the country desperately needs a merit based governance, warna ye mulk collapse ho sakta hai
  58. He says one-party, hybrid or technocratic models cannot work. warna toh aur koi beech mein mujhe ye one party ya koi hybrid ya technocratic, ye models toh bilkul bhi nahi chal sakte
  59. He says China in 1978, Russia in 1989, Indonesia in 1997 and India in 1991 did not face conditions as bad as the multiple problems of every sort that he describes. China in 1978, Russia in 1989, Indonesia in 1997 aur India in 1991, kisi ke itne halaat kharab nahi the jitne multiple problems of every sort
  60. He says Indonesia is the country that comes closest to Pakistan. I would say ke Indonesia is the one that comes closest to Pakistan
  61. He says Indonesia's democratic system brought it to a satisfactory level. it was a democratic system which has brought Indonesia to a satisfactory level
  62. He says Indonesia and India are the two countries most similar to Pakistan. India is the second model. These are the two countries which are most similar to Pakistan
  63. He thinks a technocratic government would be a last resort, forced upon the country in an emergency-type situation. Toh mera khayal hai ke bahut hi zyada last resort, koi you know emergency type situation aa jayegi, koi technocratic government force kar denge
  64. He says what is happening now is much worse than what happened in 2018. this is much worse than what happened in 2018
  65. He says Twitter has been blocked and social media faces a crackdown, but there is still enough space to write in Dawn. Overall ye ho raha hai ke ji Twitter band kar diya, social media pe crackdown ho raha hai, ye jo firewall wagera ban rahi hai, us pe magar abhi tak itni space toh hai ke ji hum agar bolna chahein, likhna chahein, Dawn mein toh likh sakte hain